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Did Paul Institute the Last Supper tradition?
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Hngerhman

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August 2, 2019 - 8:11 pm

Robert – your generosity of spirit, time and reflections is truly remarkable. At this point in the conversation, please allow me to digest this and come back to you with some follow-on thoughts and questions. But, wow, you crushed it. Thank you for this.

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Robert
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August 2, 2019 - 8:35 pm
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Hngerhman

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August 2, 2019 - 11:39 pm
Ha, fair enough.
 
There’s so much richness in your response to tangle with, it’s hard to know how to proceed without devolving into a scattershot approach. 
 
I’m going to attempt to start with and isolate the last topic – the narrow issue of symbolically consuming human flesh and blood – and try to inch my way in a general direction.  Additionally, for sake of simplicity, let’s temporarily hold at bay the excellent points about (a) category distinctions of taboo (inherently unclean vs. excessively holy) and (b) participation in the life-force of Jesus.  I’ll eventually elliptically get to (a) below, but to address (b) I need to request an extension. 
 
Symbolic Consumption of Human Flesh & Blood:
 
I stand in total agreement that, in a literal and technical sense, the ceremonial and symbolic consumption of proper food products in no real way actually runs afoul of 1st century interpretations of Jewish dietary prohibitions (insofar as I comprehend them, as a 21st century gentile).  It’s really bread and wine entering the digestive tract, after all.  However, that move – that it’s not a technical breach – I’m not sure does sufficient work to fully undo the underlying problem, only to dilute it and delay it a step.  
 
To my untrained mind, if a group of first century Jews were to establish an idiosyncratic liturgical tradition around (actually) eating cooked unleavened dough balls while simultaneously mentally representing them as scallops, it would seem (a) odd (in its own context), (b) unnecessarily provocative in the face of the taboo, and (c) a mental breach of the spirit of the commandment (which some traditions about Jesus himself have him intimating is as bad as the act itself).  While shellfish is a negative taboo item, the same would seem to hold of touching scripture (a positive taboo item).  Had this same group also created a liturgical “touching of the Torah” by enacting a rite whereby they grasp blank papyri in their hands while solemnly mentally representing them as scrolls of Genesis, we seemingly run into the same issue – it’s odd, provocative and mentally breaching.  
 
Genuinely pretending to eat Jesus’s flesh (while not explicitly interdicted, ingesting a corpse seems legitimately worse than touching one) and to drink Jesus’s “blood”, whether it falls into the positive or negative taboo camp, still is a problem – not as big of one as actually drinking (any or human) blood, but a problem nonetheless.  It being pretend seemingly doesn’t thereby fully absolve it.  Another way of saying it, these faux-taboo liturgical acts still feel somewhat like the spiritual opposite of erecting a fence around Torah – if not precisely, then approximately.  Good intent or not, it’s mentally flouting a scriptural taboo, isn’t it?  It’s the difference between a category distinction (bad, not bad) and a distinction of degree (bad, less bad).
 
This is all very far from airtight, but it’s an attempt to reciprocate with a timely response. Thanks much for engaging.
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Robert
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August 3, 2019 - 7:13 am
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Hngerhman

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August 3, 2019 - 12:16 pm

Awesome.  Thank you for bringing to bear your expansive command of the material – it’s a massive boon, both here and elsewhere on the blog.  

I’m going to come at the first part, and have to leave the Pitre/Wright/et al interpretations for another go-round. 

Your selected passage from John, which I had some dim background recollection of but would not have been able to find without much effort, seems to hit the nail squarely on the head.
 
The way John recounts the event:
(A) Points up the multiple parties’ revulsion to the faux-taboo embedded the symbolic act – a wildly relevant empirical datum (historical? Dunno*) from the time (1st century) that undergirds what the (my?) problem with the symbology is.
(B) Can’t but be a different telling of the same event as laid out in the Synoptics (epistemologically, we could obviously raise the filter so high as to strain out the resemblance as merely circumstantial, but I think that would be a cop out to avoid wrestling with the texts, and it cannot be that one must have verbatim agreement and/or a time stamp to reasonably conclude two stories are the “same”). 
 
* I often find it helpful to lay out priors, so as to avoid unnecessarily slipping past one another later.  I currently have a broader issue with taking “John’s” statements as historical without large doses of skepticism.  Succinctly:  “He” often says things that clash with the synoptics (factually, logically and conceptually) precisely at the angle that one would expect from (a) someone prone to self-aggrandizement who outlived the (other) founders such that they can no longer contradict his remembered version of “factual” claims, or (b) someone who deeply revered the beloved disciple and wittingly or unwittingly stretched the stories to aggrandize the beloved, resulting in a feel of (a).  That said, in this instance, the narrated revulsion seems to fit the 1st century Jewish context better than its opposite. I hope that’s not just confirmation bias talking…
 
With respect to your comparison of the Johannine-narrated revulsion to the faux-taboo in contrast to the evinced Pauline sang froid:  it seems to me that Paul (if we are to believe him, and I think we should give him the benefit of the doubt) had such a personally powerful experience that led him to completely flip his belief structure such that the one under God’s curse (hung on tree) was really the Messiah, an (arc?) angelic preexistent being who came to him personally in pneumatic form to reveal that the gathering of all humanity per deutero-Isaiah to YHWH is imminent.  In relief of that superstructure, ceremonially eating and drinking some (fake) human meat and blood would seem several rungs down the hierarchy of provocativeness.  Or, so it would seem to me…
 
Back on route:  I think your move above, to go from the Johannine revulsion to the potential provocative intent of Jesus at the event, tracks very well with my (uninformed?) instinct that there is something to grounding the tradition in (faux-)taboo that triggers a question of the criterion of dissimilarity.  I hope that statement isn’t pulling you down to my level…  It’s exactly that (liturgy in taboo) which puzzles me about the potential historicity of (some version of) the episode – and you draw it out very nicely with your implicit treatment of the connection of the life-force with the difficulty of the message.
 
Here I need to say that I’m holding that step at bay (that dissimilarity means it’s historical and this is how Jesus meant it) in my own mind, because I have some priors that make it difficult for me to yet fall into the arms of that very seductive reading of the data.  
 
Let me try to lay out a few of the relevant priors, to ask for your help as well as to acknowledge that, sometimes making the obvious explicit elicits insights, as a mentor once taught me.
 
Background Premises:  
– Jesus didn’t intend nor “foresee” his death (though probably feared it and could feel the danger closing in around him). Like many people taking a principled stand in opposition to authority and willing to die if need be for a deeply held conviction, I think his actions took him there, but I’m not (yet) allowing myself to believe that he did so precisely on purpose. I need further evidence. This present discussion of ours makes an intriguingly elegant solution that, potentially, solving the taboo issue could by extension undo this particular prior (and maybe the others) for me. But I’m not there not yet.
– Corollary:  Jesus didn’t institute the Lord’s Supper as we have it, the liturgical language of which entails too much foresight and/or design.  I think he had a last meal with his disciples (obvious statement of banal historical fact), that it likely was in Jerusalem at Passover, that he may have said some symbolic things about the bread and the wine and the Kingdom (because it would be wildly consistent of what we know about him from elsewhere in the gospels), and that in relief of his death and the resurrection experiences of his disciples, the event was retroactively imbued with sacrosanct significance.
– Jesus likely didn’t say all foods are clean or the vaguer version of it’s not what goes in that makes one unclean. That fits too well with a (later) desire to make the Jesus movement more palatable to gentiles (hand-in-glove with Paul’s no circumcision for gentiles – sure it’s a theological belief, but one that definitely cuts, ha, toward more easy acceptance by the nations).  Clearly ease of fit does not dispositive make, but without greater backing, the onus is against it. Why am I bringing this matter up?  Because a “whatever goes in doesn’t matter” pronouncement by Jesus would serve, in its logical extension, to absolve the faux-taboo at issue.
– I have major reservations about the particulars of the Gethsemane episode.  Not so much whether it happened per se, but it’s that some the key details (e.g., the content of prayers) as narrated don’t come from eyewitnesses, because the narrator says (a) the purported witnesses were at at least some physical remove and (b) they are explicitly said to have been asleep.  It’s a lot like the “trial” sequences for me…  Something historically happened, but the details are being colored in by the subsequent reteller(s).
– Something about the betrayal and the arrest sequences just don’t fit:  why would Jesus be dangerous enough to elicit an execution, but not a round-up party sufficiently strong to arrest his closest compatriots, and why would those compatriots not be taken out at that point (if the arresting party was strong) or later when they’re back in Jerusalem supposedly doing things in the wide open, saying aloud that Jesus is (not was) the Messiah?  Fredriksen’s armed but not dangerous theory is really really elegant to deal with this, but I’m yet to be fully invested in it.  
 
The end of the road sequences in the gospels speak to the retrospective of the early followers and how the LS fits in, but there seem such issues with the end of road sequences to me that I am having trouble using them as the probative lens through which we refract the white light of the LS jumble into its constituent wavelengths/fractionations. 
 
Clearly, what we’re trying to do here is excavate the links in the chain of transmission:  
1. What Jesus did and said at LS;
2. What his disciples in attendance remember it as, post their resurrection experiences;
3. What Paul received from them (directly or indirectly); and
4. What Paul interpreted and passed on.
 
We have the last one (assuming Paul actually said it – and which wasn’t some later insertion – which I presently have no reason to doubt), and we’re trying to reason our way backward from there.  Given your prior (excellent) point that the Corinthians has access (directly or indirectly) to traditions from Cephas, and my own ratiocination to the same end point, I think one could provisionally say that we can tentatively get through 3 back to an approximation (but only) of 2 at this point. 
 
But I want linger here for a moment to ask a question:  do you think that the Matthean tradition of no jots nor tiddles shall pass away from the law as historical?  If yes, then that poses a (potentially fatal) problem for the mind crime of the faux-taboos at issue.  If no, why not (I’m undecided – but it really seems to fit well with the Jesus argument that “Most Important Commandments (1) & (2) logically entail by necessity all the rest” – so no even mental kashrut violations, guys!)?
 
One other question:  I cannot read the Koine of Paul’s depiction of the LS in 1 Cor, being a NT monoglot.  Is there any legitimate room in Paul’s language that the association between the Jesus flesh and blood isn’t consumed per se but only a remembrance exercise?  One that over time as the story was retold transmogrified into eating and drinking Jesus (per John)?…
 
Apologies if it seems I’m interacting rather glacially with your profferings – to wit, I’ve clearly not yet even gotten past the narrow taboo issue to get back to the main thrust of where in the historical timeline the tradition would fall, to (maybe, just maybe) attempt to tighten down the larger something that we both seem to share, at least in broad outline:  namely, that there’s a circumstantial flow of evidence (plus some very very mild observations about typical human nature) that inferentially points towards there being at least a dotted line between the earliest founding followers of the Jesus movement (Cephas as a paradigm example) and the LS tradition recorded by Paul.
 
Then there’s my speculation that it *might* be able to be said that likely Paul and Peter historically interacted on it.  Your point about no *necessary* connection is completely well taken and acknowledged.  The only thing I can say at this point on that is:  the problem with inference (and epistemology more broadly) is that there’s no necessary connection between any two propositions outside of perhaps deductive logic and its child, mathematics – empirical propositions are by their nature contingent and are thus subject to standards of evidence and levels of analysis.  The question is how high is it appropriate and reasonable to ratchet up the standards.  If we’re at the level of causal conversation, the standards are low.  If we’re at the level of general relativity or particle physics, the standards are very high.  Somewhere in between is history, and its attendant need to select among beyond reasonable doubt, preponderance of evidence, best explanation among many, and wild guess.  I know that’s abstract and vague at this point, but (a) it goes to the ex ante standards we’re going to apply to our arguments, evidence and speculations, and (b) I’ll try to do better as we progress.
 
I look forward to continuing the dialogue.
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Robert
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August 3, 2019 - 12:44 pm
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Robert
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August 3, 2019 - 2:00 pm
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Hngerhman

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August 3, 2019 - 8:14 pm

Robert said

But it would still be an early tradition that Paul seems to have inherited rather than invented out of whole cloth. Impossible to say how much Paul may have reshaped the tradition (I’m guessing not too much for reasons stated above), or added to it theologically (I’m guessing quite a bit). And even more difficult to say how much of the earliest phase of the tradition was traumatic or distorted memory of those present.

Agreed across the board.

Robert said

The best reading of Mark’s Greek does not even have Jesus actually saying this. Grammatically, it should best be read as a commentary of Mark on the story. 

Excellent – both to learn the fact itself, and also that the fact undercuts any attempted argument of blanket absolution of unclean intake.

 

 

Robert said

I’m not insisting on any particulars, just noting the dissimilarity of one interpretation of the first account we have in the life of Jesus and very next version of the story, which militates against an overly triumphant, sacramental reading of the last supper as it has come down to us.

Got it.  Also, to clarify I was not saying you did – I was only laying out my prior on Gethsemane, in case helpful here or later.  

 
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Hngerhman

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August 3, 2019 - 9:44 pm

Robert said

I’m not at all sympathetic with the view that Jesus intended his death as salvific in any soteriological, later Christian sense, but I don’t think it would be terribly difficult for him to foresee it, if the broad strokes of Mark’s story is to be trusted. Since I do not think we can presume upon John’s complete independence of the synoptics, much of the EP Sanders, John Meier, Bart Ehrman, et al school of reconstruction of the final deeds and events of Jesus life are less certain in my mind. Frankly, we do not know to what extent Mark (or his precursors) are responsible for interpreting and portraying Jesus’ life as a Jeremiah-like prophet in fatal opposition to the temple and it’s authorities or whether Jesus himself understood himself this way. I’m not radically skeptical of this portrayal, but there is plenty of room for the actual events to have been somewhat otherwise. I tend to like the portrait, but methodologically, it is much more fruitful to focus on the documents we have in their own historical context to the extent we can do this. I’m rather old-school with respect to the modern Leben-Jesu Forschung. I like it, more as a hobby than as history, and I very much agree with the focus on a Jewish, apocalyptic Jesus, but there is so much potential and variable depth that is opaque to us.

First, I think we’re in agreement across the board here.  Second, there’s a lot you brought in here that enriches the conversation (e.g., I too have trouble taking as granted the John as fully independent argument – though I’m still working through the Moody Smith book Bart rec’d me).  Third, my verb selection of ‘foresee’ was a poor word choice. I would agree Jesus could probably easily foresee it as a distinct possibility.  

What I meant to express is:  I have trouble thinking Jesus predicted his death (as a correct prediction of future happens) or that he intended it (whether in the later Christian soteriological sense or otherwise).  I think the data are best and most simply explained by viewing him as someone doing what he thought was right before God, costs be damned (and probably as someone who thought that the future Kingdom meant if he were to die, it wasn’t the end).  

That last paragraph is where I cannot yet tell if we depart or not.  Please let me know your thoughts.  It potentially comes into play below, in the section where my words about the “end of the road sequences” were unclear.  

 

 

Robert said

This is more of a difficulty if we focus most on the Roman, political aspects of Jesus’ ultimate conflict with Pontius Pilate. It is less of a problem to the extent that the Judean temple authorities, the first-line of the Roman sunedrion bureaucracy in Jerusaem, may have opposed Jesus’ teachings about the Kingdom of God. This is one of the advantages of the Jeremiah-like portrait of Jesus. The danger of this approach, of course, is it all too easily lends itself to Christian anti-semitism.

Completely agree with the relative ranking of the difficulty (harder if Roman-only, easier with inclusion of temple squad).  I don’t want to unintentionally drive us down a tangent on the arrest narratives, so will stop here on this point.  I’d love to pick it up later with you under separate cover, if you’d be game – it’s a fascinating topic.

My intent of touching on the arrest narratives was to set up the next point, but unfortunately I see I didn’t stick the landing very well.  Sorry, I’ll try to say it better.

 

Robert said

Hngerhman said

The end of the road sequences in the gospels speak to the retrospective of the early followers and how the LS fits in, but there seem such issues with the end of road sequences to me that I am having trouble using them as the probative lens through which we refract the white light of the LS jumble into its constituent wavelengths/fractionations. 

I’m not sure I grasp what you’re saying here. I could guess, and I might even guess correctly, but …

Yeah, I can see why now.  That word salad makes more sense if you’re inside my head…  What I mean is, you made a really intriguing move in your earlier post, where you said:

”If something like the ‘words of institution’ can be situated in Jesus’ last supper with his disciples, perhaps the missing element is that Jesus’ prophetic gesture, dramatically illustrating his coming death, was intended to be provocative, was meant to shock his disciples, perhaps also himself, to illustrate the horror of what was about to unfold, and even in the face of this shocking prophetic gesture, it seems his disciples were not able to accept it, and did not really have a clue as their own inability to stand with him when the time came. Prophetic gestures can sometimes be designed for their shock value, for example, in the story of Hosea’s marriage of a prostitute and the symbolic names given to their children.” – Robert

This take on the matter would tie the sequences from the rebuke at Caesarea Phillipi through the crucifixion together with an elegant explanatory power sufficient to capture the reason for staking the tradition in a taboo – using shock to prime their minds for a greater coming shock.  But I cannot get myself there yet.  I’m having trouble seeing that: (a) Jesus sufficiently predicted his coming death; (b) thus, the coming shock was anticipated; and (c) therefore, the shocking taboo was intended to set up the horror of the end for his disciples.  Without believing that Jesus predicted his impending painful death sufficiently to be able to pre-position a taboo-shock for his disciples, I have trouble getting this explanation of prophetic taboo symbolism off the ground.  

It’s really elegant and quite seductive, so candidly I want to get there…

Robert said

I think various different kinds of Jews, Gallileans, and Judeans interpreted Jesus’ provocative teachings in wildly different ways, while he was still alive and after his death. Some interpreted his Shammai-like severity as very strict legalism on occasion but others clearly saw him as glutton and drunkard in his Hillel-like openness to all who came to him. Like the rabbinic tradition that came after him, I suspect Jesus was able to apply the law judiciously, charitably, and humanely and sometimes compromise on minor issues in favor of more important aspects of justice or ‘redemption’ of those with a good heart. Matthew takes the gospel of Mark and tries to make it fit into his community, which presumably contained some more strict Jews, and it appears he ultimately tried to move them toward embracing the mission to the gentiles. Frankly, we do not know how successful he was in holding together some of the disparate elements of his community, but I think that was his intent, at least in part.

This is not only very well put, but also more expansive on the point than I could have reasonably hoped for with my simplistic question about jots and tiddles.  Thank you.

 

Robert said

As you’ve probably already realized, we agree pretty much on your interpretation of Numbers 1 through 4. 

Yep – I think we track very closely across the chain of transmission of the tradition.  

The only place I’m not sure about (per above) is Jesus’s prediction abilities, and that really just goes more to the possible range of available answers to Number 1 (can it include Jesus saying it for taboo-shock purposes).  I’m looking forward to knowing what you think here.

 

Robert said

I think Paul saw it as a very real and divinely powerful symbolic participation with the spiritual body of Jesus, not just in it’s resurrected reality, but also in the communal body of Christ in the local communities. It is both a backward looking memorial as well as a forward-looking eschatological proclamation anticipating the parousia. I don’t think there’s any hint at all of cannibalism or vampires. Similar to baptism, he would not have tried to literally drown the new converts in their participation in the death and resurrection of Christ. 

Totally agree, Paul doesn’t intend cannibalism or vampires – I think my language wasn’t clear.  I do not intend to ask did Paul think he was passing along a tradition of literally eating people.  I mean to parse it differently:  does the language of Paul (in Greek, which I cannot read) allow for him to be saying something like “eat this bread, and while you do remember Jesus’s broken body” (and the parallel for the drinking of wine).  Or, do Paul’s words (in Greek) instead limit us to “this bread is [symbolically] Jesus’s body, eat it and remember that!” – which is what the English of the translations would suggest.

 

I am thoroughly enjoying the conversation.  Thank you.  Depending on the next go-round, I intend soon to move off the taboo aspect, and resume the conversation around your excellent thoughts regarding the timeline and provenance of the tradition.

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tompicard

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August 4, 2019 - 11:44 am

    

       8 None of the rulers of this age understood this; for if they had, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory.

 

 

At least Paul understood this as a great tragedy, how different from current theology.  

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Hngerhman

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August 4, 2019 - 10:26 pm

Robert said

The Greek here is as simple as the English. The interpretation of the author’s most likely intended meaning depends completely on the context and our knowledge or presuppositions about the author and his audience. We do not see any indication that Paul thought these words were problematic from a taboo point of view, any more taboo than a crucified messiah, perhaps because he was writing to a mostly gentile audience. Maybe he would have dealt with this issue if he were discussing this with Cephas or other fellow Jews, perhaps some among John’s audience. But there are also indications that a Greek-speaking, gentile audience might also strongly object to cannibalistic symbolism (cf Pitre, p 427 n 38).

But don’t just focus on the past broken and bloodied body of Jesus crucified. Paul also puts the eucharistic meal in a hopeful eschatological context focusing on ultimate reunion with the resurrected Christ: “… 26 For as often as you eat this bread and drink the cup, you proclaim the Lord’s death until he comes.”  

Thanks for the insights on how the Greek reads, despite the reading itself being unhelpful to that particular avenue of potentially resolving the taboo issue.

Entirely agreed that Paul’s view of the symbolism is one that points to hope in the coming Kingdom (not just symbolic faux gore).  Unfortunately it’s still a hope firmly rooted in taboo.

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Hngerhman

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August 4, 2019 - 11:49 pm

Robert said

If the broad strokes of Mark’s story of Jesus’ teaching and confrontation with Judaen authorities in Jerusalem can be more or less trusted, things had become fairly contentious. An earlier prophetic gesture of overturning money-changers’ tables in the temple courts, telling parables against the authorities, etc, I think it would be pretty clear for Jesus to have sensed that his tine was up. Without holding to any particulars of Mark’s account, if it merely represents an historical core of prophetic opposition to the temple authorities or corrupt Sadducees taking advantage of tenant farmers or scribes and Pharisees compromising the principles of Torah justice in favor of wealthy patrons, if this was what Jesus opposed unflinchingly, it wouldn’t take any magical prophetic powers to sense that a final confrontation was brewing, as had already happened between John, his baptizer, and Herod. Have you ever had a sense of foreboding, or even just a strong, undeniable feeling that the current situation is untenable, something’s go to give?

Is Mark’s account more or less true to life, not in any or all the details, but in this general sense of conflict? I think so.

For me it’s not the sense of foreboding or a feeling that the current situation is about to come crashing down that is at issue – I think Jesus very probably felt that (assuming, to your point, Mark’s account is watercolors-level accurate, and Jesus was a sufficiently psychologically normal person), and quite possibly that “in the next few days I might well be crucified for what I’m doing here” as well.  But, I stop short of thinking that his foreboding reached to the level of accurately predicting anything like “I will be arrested tomorrow by Romans and temple authorities, run through sunedrion judicial processes, hauled before Pilate, beaten and taunted and then crucified;  and therefore I need to prep my disciples, not with normal words, but with a shock-taboo.”  

That said, I really think you and I are in very close proximity to one another on this general point (per your statements below), and any distance between us, if any, is merely due to the direction we’re each coming from.

 

Robert said

From Paul’s earliest extant letter, we have an indication of this:

1 Thes 2,14 For you, brothers and sisters, became imitators of the churches of God in Christ Jesus that are in Judea, for you suffered the same things from your own compatriots as they did from the Jews [the Judean authorities], 15 who killed both the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and drove us out; they displease God and oppose everyone 16 by hindering us from speaking to the gentiles so that they may be saved. Thus they have constantly been filling up the measure of their sins; but God’s wrath has overtaken them at last.

 

Paul here focuses on the Jewish compatriots of the Jewish ‘Christians’ in Judea because of the Thessalonian context, persecution by Thessalonian compatriots, but from a later but still relatively early letter of his, we may see a hint that Paul would not have attributed Jesus’ death merely to Jewish authorities:

 

20 Where is the one who is wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age? … 22 For Jews demand signs and Greeks desire wisdom, 23 but we proclaim Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and foolishness to Gentiles, 24 but to those who are the called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God. 25 God’s foolishness is wiser than human wisdom, and God’s weakness is stronger than human strength. … 27 But God chose what is foolish in the world to shame the wise; God chose what is weak in the world to shame the strong; 28 God chose what is low and despised in the world, things that are not, to reduce to nothing things that are … 30 … Christ Jesus, who became for us wisdom from God, and righteousness and sanctification and redemption … 2,6 Among the mature we do speak wisdom, though it is not a wisdom of this age or of the rulers of this age, who are doomed to perish. 7 But we speak God’s wisdom, secret and hidden, which God decreed before the ages for our glory. 8 None of the rulers of this age understood this; for if they had, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory.

 

I’ve read that it’s debated whether (pieces of) this passage were a later Christian interpolation into the text of 1 Thes.  I take it from your inclusion here, you come down on the side of it being authentic Paul.  I’m not steeped enough in this topic to have a real opinion, but to highlight a prior, I am a little sympathetic to the view that Paul should be aware that it was the Roman judicial system that killed Jesus, not the Judean authorities (even if they were complicit).  I get that your second Pauline quote (plus your lead in paragraph to it) gives this issue some implicit treatment (that it’s a parallelism Paul’s drawing, not a precise statement by Paul about who specifically did and did not have capital punishment authority).  If it’s not too onerous, would you mind helping me by expanding a bit on your view of this topic?

 

Robert said

I think it is safe to say that Jesus’ fatal opposition to the Judean authorities somehow brought about his death. I also presume Jesus was smart enough, illiterate or not, to read the writing on the wall, probably much better than his disciples.

Agree completely.

 

Robert said

He may have tried to shock them into realizing that the good times were over. Do I think he said to himself, let me find a really shocking taboo symbol to grab their attention because it is taboo? No, I suspect it would have been more spontaneous and organic than that, if it occurred at all. Maybe the shock value of the symbol was as much of a shock to Jesus as it was to his disciples.

Or maybe the original disciples only put two and two together after the fact and tried to figure out if their teacher had let on in some way that he had an inkling of what was coming. Wasn’t he trying to tell us something about what was likely to happen? How he’s wasn’t going to back down. Something about how our bread and wine were to do the will of God. That’s who he was; that’s who we are supposed to become. We’re really just guessing when we try to get behind the earliest traumatic memories and traditions. How might have Jesus spoken of his determination to not compromise his principles in opposition to the authorities in Judea? My food is not this bread, “My food is that I shall do the will of the one who sent me and complete his task” (Jn 4,34). To do the will of God is who I am, it is as much as part of me as this bread and wine that we eat and drink become part of us; it becomes our bodies and our blood. You are worried that the authorities might crush us, that does not matter, we must still continue to teach the truth or else we are not worthy of the Kingdom of God, and you may need to continue to do so without me after I’m gone. Did Jesus have some kind of conversations like this with his disciples in the last months, weeks, or days as things got progressively dangerous. That does not seem implausible to me.  

While I still struggle to get my head around the plausibility of the first paragraph above, I am highly sympathetic to the views you express in the second paragraph.  It’s also a really nice move you did there to bring in the additional metaphor of doing God’s will being food.  Something approximating this last paragraph is where my head currently is.

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Robert
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August 5, 2019 - 7:38 am
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August 5, 2019 - 7:51 am
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Hngerhman

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August 5, 2019 - 7:44 pm

Robert said

I don’t think we have to attribute that degree of chronological or judicial process detail to Jesus. Whatever level of stress that might have driven Jesus (or his disciples) to express his fate in extreme terms, it need not be accompanied by chronological detail. I think it’s also possible that Jesus could have learned of a conspiracy against him by completely normal means. Someone saw Judas going to the temple authorities; maybe he himself spoke to others of his reservations and his desire for clarification from authorities. I don’t think we can know any of this.  

Fair enough – one doesn’t have to know the precise unfolding of future events to give dramatic voice to dread, a dread sufficient to say something about a broken body and spilt blood.  However, to get from a expressing dread to the words Paul uses needs something more than “I am worried that I’m about to get violently snuffed out” – either Jesus saying something truly symbolic about the food and wine, or retrojection/conflation by the disciples (or Paul, but I think we agree he is unlikely to have tampered much for the reasons already given), or both.  This might be our last meal, so let’s remember it, and if it is, don’t forget me or the message – entirely plausible.  The new covenant will be sealed by my blood – I think we are in agreement that’s too far.

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Hngerhman

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August 5, 2019 - 8:22 pm

Robert said

Yes, there have long been quite a few differing attempts to solve the difficulty at the end of this passage with purely hypothetical theories of interpolation of various sizes, but there is no evidence for such and the text can now be better understood without the need for such hypotheses. I have not seen recent exegetes arguing for an interpolation here, ‘though it is practically an Internet dogma among mythicists. 

Thank you.  I assume from what you had intimated before that it’s parallelism that does the work in terms of not rendering it as a “mistake”, but rather as a formula (his neighbors turned on him, your neighbors turned on you).  Or, something like parallelism plus not best word choice.  Does that track with your view?

 

Robert said

It’s also important to understand that the Judean synedrion was the local Roman judicial system, and the Romans appointed the leaders of this Roman body. It is anachronistic to read this as a Jewish Sanhedrin concerned only with fine points of Jewish religious law.  

Yep – that I (think I) get, though I admit there may be a subtlety therein that you intend but which I am not grasping.  What I mean is that this sunedrion branch of the system couldn’t pull the trigger as it were, but was a more funneling mechanism when capital crimes were involved.

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Robert
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August 6, 2019 - 7:28 am
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