In his important and stimulating article, “Christian Number and Its Implications,” Roman historian Keith Hopkins next begins to think about the implications about the size of the Christian church at different periods. One point to emphasize is that there was not simply one church. There were lots of churches in lots of places, and it is a myth to think that they were all one big cohesive bunch. On the contrary, they were often (as we see in our records) often at odds with each other.
But even more than that, even within one city – if it was large enough (think Rome or Antioch for example) there would have been more than one church. And why? Because there would have been too many people to meet in one place.
The first time we have any evidence of a church “building” – that is, what we today normally think of as a church (the Baptist church on the corner; the Methodist church up the street) – is not until the middle of the third Christian century. Before then (and in many, many places, long after then), Christians simply met either in private homes or in outdoor settings, such as cemeteries (really!).
If there were, say 200 Christians in Rome in the year 120, they couldn’t meet in a single home. It’s more likely that they would have something like four or five different homes to meet in. And these would be scattered throughout the city. How do we know how well these different groups of people — all calling themselves Christian and considering their community to be a “church” — got along? Did their leaders see eye to eye with one another? Did they have different doctrinal views? Different ways of practicing baptism and the eucharist and worship? How would we know? There’s no way to know.
But it’s also hard to know – impossible, really – whether each group had the same policies of inclusion. In one of these house churches, is it possible that only baptized Christians were “counted” as members of the church, but in others anyone who wanted to show up for a service wascounted? Were some communities more porous than others? That seems likely, but how could we know? We simply lack the kinds of evidence we need.
And that’s because we are lacking adequate texts to guide us.
Here is one of the really fascinating points that Hopkins makes. First a bit more background: I mentioned earlier the name Adolf von Harnack. Harnack was one of the most brilliant scholars of Christianity in modern times, an unbelievably erudite and prolific scholar so amazing that one suspects he came from a different planet. In one of his many, many books, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, written over a century ago now, Harnack looks at every single surviving reference to Christianity in every surviving literary source that we have. Through this exhaustive analysis he shows that we have record of about 50 locations with churches in the year 100.
Hopkins thinks that this is far too few. Surely there were more. But suppose that it’s right, that there were 50. We know that churches were sending communications to one another. Suppose that at a minimum each of these 50 churches was sending (and therefore, on average, receiving) just two letters a year. That would mean that over the course of a century – say from 50 CE to 150 CE – there were 10,000 Christian letters being sent around (50 churches times 2 letters times 100 years). Now that’s a lot of letters. And how many of those Christian communications from before 150 CE do we have still today? We have about 50.
And the reality is that there would have been way more than 50 churches, because that 50 is counting just one church in Rome, one in Antioch, etc. Plus there are undoubtedly churches in places for which we have no record. So how many Christian letters were there in this period? 20,000? 30,000? We have only 50.
Harnack calculated, on the basis of every single piece of surviving literary evidence, that by the year 180 there were some 100 cities or towns that had a Christian church. Let’s say, proposes Hopkins, that we don’t have a record of half of the churches that actually did survive, so that there were 200. This is just a blind guess, nothing more – but it’s double the number for which we actually have any evidence. So here’s something else to think about: we know of about 2000 towns in the empire. If there were 200 towns that had Christians in them at the time, this would mean that in 180 CE 1800 out of 2000 towns in the empire had no Christian presence.
I don’t know about you, that strikes me as both surprising and a bit troubling. Can it be true? We normally think of Christianity spreading massively through the Empire at a very fast rate. And maybe it was. But if it was growing instead simply at a steady rate over time, then maybe it’s true that by 180 (150 years after Jesus’ death!) only 10% of the towns and cities in the empire had a Christian church or more in them.
If there were many more, then think about how many, many thousands of letters between churches we don’t have. Or, if these churches – say, most of them – -did not write letters to one another, then how can we be sure that these various churches were at *all* like each other? Wouldn’t each of them have developed its theological views and Christian practices differently, if they were all in relative isolation from one another? Could visitors from one church to another have helped to guarantee a standard set of beliefs and practices? Presumably that would help – but would a church in, say 150 CE, be inclined to change how it had worshiped and what it believed because some outsider came and indicated that in his home church they though and behaved differently?
The more I think about the Christianization of the empire, the more I realize we simply don’t know…
It seems that fairly soon, at least by the beginning or middle of the 2nd century, the structure of the churches evolved to have one bishop over each ‘location’, where a location would have been a city. So, for example, Antioch had a bishop, Rome had a bishop, Ephesus had a bishop, etc. And the bishops are the ones who were doing all the letter writing, or at least overseeing and coordinating it. Is that correct? If so, then the number of letters might have been much smaller than if each ‘church’ was sending out letters randomly. In a letter dated around 110 CE Ignatius of Antioch instructed that no eucharist or agape meal be conducted without the presence of the bishop. Can we fairly assume that the bulk of letter writing is much smaller because of the development of the organizational hierarchy within the churches?
Yes, that’s right. When we talk about “churches” sending letters we mean letters sent by the leaders of churches to other churches, not letters that one or another members happens to send to other Christians.
It seems like a difficult guessing game. The various war/skirmish issues, local laws and antisemite or anti-Christian waves, largely illiterate leaders, ‘orthodox’ vs ‘heretical’ battles, etc. all creating a ‘choppy sea.’ The various church ‘elders’ did not have a very broad reach in those times and many of the most educated, like Origen, seemed to be more interested in research than in actual shepherding. There were certainly many bishops targeted for removal (or worse).
If there was a fully functional ‘pope’, why are there so few letters between the pope and the early churches?
Was there instead a pre-supposed plan for bishops/clergy to go and find/see the pope to get his words directly to avoid risks of forgery or misinterpretation? Is there any documented evidence of that (oral transmission) as being a preferred mode of communication between elders/bishops before Constantine??
I read the Wiki article on Harnack and he was, as you say, quite a guy.
Wiki says he preferred Das Apostolische Glaubensbekenntnis to the Apostles’ Creed as a statement of faith, but it doesn’t provide a translation. My German is from prep school in the middle 1950’s, (Tonio Kroger anyone?) just about completely rusted away, and I wonder if you could point me to a translation?
Thanks.
I’m not sure what that means. Das Apostolische Glaubensbekenntnis *is* the Apostles’ Creed, no?
Not a comment but a question. I hope I am doing this correctly.
Did all of Jesus’s original Disciples convert from being Jews to being Christians? Did they come to believe that all of the other Jews they knew could not get right with God without believing that Jesus was their Savior and that the only way to God was through Jesus? I believe you said that was not what Jesus preached to them during his ministry.
I don’t think any of the early followers of Jesus stopped being Jews or thought they were something else once they believed that Jesus was the messiah. For them he was teh fulfillment of Judaism, part of the entire plan of the jewish God, not someone who started a new and different religion. Only later would Christians consider themselves something other than Jews (especially when more gentiles started converting without adopting the ways of Judaism)
BOY, Jesus, John the Baptist, the Original 11 chosen disciples & St Paul would be excommunicated from the modern American Church
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what Jesus preached to them during his ministry
BDEhrman I don’t think any of the early followers of Jesus stopped being Jews or thought they were something else once they believed that Jesus was the messiah. For them he was teh fulfillment of Judaism, part of the entire plan of the jewish God, not someone who started a new and different religion. Only later would Christians consider themselves something other than Jews (especially when more gentiles started converting without adopting the ways of Judaism)
Dr. Ehrman, will you ever release the 2022 debate you did with Dr. Mike Licona?
It is available on my website, http://www.bartehrman.com/courses
Your mention of “Gregory, wonder-worker” prompts a question: ¿Could it be that spiritual healing was the engine which drove the rapid expansion of Christianity?” (We’ve read other accounts of spiritual healing at the hands of various apostles.) Sure beats bull’s blood, splattered by the Aesklepians!
It beats it in my books! But I’m not sure that it beat it in antiquity. Certainly among some folk. Constantine, e.g., HATED bloody sacrifices. But my sense is that stories of healings generally did the trick, whether or not they happened and however they happened.
I’ve got another off-topic question: How confident are scholars that Jesus was baptized by John the Baptist? I now have doubts about it. The New Testament states that Jesus and his disciples baptized people, and it is certainly the case that John had disciples helping him baptize people. So, it seems likely to me that Jesus was baptized by one of John’s assistants, and if Luke knew about that then that would explain why Luke’s gospel corrects Mark by omitting mention of John seemingly baptizing Jesus himself. Compare:
Mark 1:9-10
In those days Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee and was baptized by John in the Jordan. And just as he was coming up out of the water, he saw the heavens torn apart and the Spirit descending like a dove upon him.
Luke 3:21-22
Now when all the people were baptized and when Jesus also had been baptized and was praying, the heaven was opened, and the Holy Spirit descended upon him in bodily form like a dove.
In Mark, couldn’t the phrase “baptized by John” just mean Jesus received baptism from John’s ministry? I think Matthew’s gospel is unreliable here.
I don’t know of any evidence that John had assistants baptizing people. I suppose it’s possible, but unless there’s some reason for thinking that someone other than John himself did it I wouldn’t think it’s the most likely thing, since he’s the one we know about, and all our sources that speak of it mention him specficially (and Xns had to ward off the tradition that it was he, and never mention anyone else).
John’s gospel says Jesus and his disciples baptized people and, since the Jesus movement copied John’s, it makes sense that John would teach his disciples how to baptize and assist him with it. But, yes, Luke 3:19-21 gives, as you say, a very good reason for thinking that somebody other than John baptized Jesus. Luke suggests that John the Baptist was in prison when Jesus was baptized and that would mean Jesus had to be baptized by somebody else. That explains why Luke corrects Mark on the baptism story. Since Luke has Jesus baptized before God adopted him as his son, Luke has no motive to ward off the tradition that Jesus was baptized by somebody inferior because Jesus was inferior prior to God adopting him.
Luke writes in 1:3 that this new account is an orderly account and that implies that Luke did not find the other accounts so orderly (and therefore they had to be corrected). If one of Luke’s sources held that John the Baptist was in prison when Jesus was baptized, and that source is correct, then the historical Jesus could not have been baptized by John. Historically, it seems a stalemate between Mark and Luke.