In my previous post I had begun to indicate that the field of New Testament textual criticism had grown notably and depressingly moribund in America by the late 1970s when I began my graduate studies. But I didn’t explain just *why* most New Testament scholars – let alone scholars in other fields of religious studies or the humanities more broadly – did not find the field interesting and / or important. The reason has to do with what I laid out as one of the almost-universally-held views among textual critics (and other scholars at all connected with the field): That the entire goal, purpose, and raison d’être of the discipline was to establish what an author originally wrote (a goal, purpose, and raison d’être that may seem both reasonable and self-evident. But keep reading my posts).
Why would that view have created such apathy toward the field, such a lack of interest in pursuing its objectives? For the most part, it was because New Testament scholars assumed that the field had achieved its goal. We pretty much already *knew* what the authors of the New Testament wrote. And textual scholars were not coming up with any new findings to change anyone’s mind about much of anything.
The reality is that the wording of the Greek New Testament (I am talking, of course, about the wording of the New Testament in the original Greek, not about its English translations) was understood to have been established with great reliability by the scholars of the past, going back to the end of the 19th century. For nearly a century, most everyone *agreed* on what the words of the New Testament originally were (for the Gospels, the writings of Paul, and so on). There might be disagreements on the margins about a scattered verse or two here or there. But for the most part, there were no longer any major debates or issues to resolve.
Support for this view came from the fact that just about everyone who read the Greek New Testament on the planet used an edition that was produced by an international team of five textual scholars. My teacher Bruce Metzger was one of the five (he was the lone American). This edition came in two formats, one of them for scholars, which had a rather lengthy apparatus and one for Bible translators working in countries that did not yet have a New Testament in their indigenous languages, that had a much, much smaller apparatus.
By “apparatus” I mean this. For the New Testament, as I have stressed in previous posts, we have different textual witnesses (Greek manuscripts; manuscripts in other ancient languages such as Latin, Syriac, and Coptic; quotations of the New Testament in the writings of the church fathers) and often they word a passage or a verse differently. In almost any Greek New Testament you buy, there are *two* most obvious features: the text and the apparatus.
The “text” is the running Greek text of the New Testament, just as in the English Bible (where you may have footnotes at the bottom of the page, but what you read are the words in the text). Below the text is the “apparatus” which indicates important places where the textual witnesses have a different wording for the text. The “text” that is printed is the one that the editors have decided is most likely what the author originally wrote, based on their evaluation of all the textual evidence, as I did in a series of posts last week on 1 Thessalonians 2:7. Every passage, every verse, every word, every letter is evaluated by the editors, based on the surviving evidence, to determine which is the “original.”
The apparatus is produced by these same editors as they choose words, or collections of words, that are (in their judgment) significantly different in one or more textual witnesses. The point of the apparatus is to give the reader a chance to see some of the variations found in these witnesses, especially at places that the editors think are of greatest importance. And so the apparatus will indicate what the variant readings are, and will show which textual witnesses have which reading (the one judged by the editors to be original and all the other variant readings).
These apparatuses are always highly selective. There is no way an apparatus can indicate *every* change found in every textual witness. As I’ve pointed out, there are more differences among the manuscripts than there are words in the New Testament. And so the editors choose the variants that they think are the most important – for example, the ones that could change the very meaning of the text – and they include these in the apparatus.
Thus, (virtually) every Greek New Testament gives the text and an apparatus.
By the late 1970s, New Testament scholars widely assumed that since we already pretty much knew for relative certainty what the original text was, there was no reason to worry very much about studying the apparatus. One reason for this kind of complacency was that a new edition of the Greek New Testament would appear every decade or so. And the new edition was almost always virtually identical with the one before it in its text, even if the apparatus had been brought up to date by the editors making available more newly discovered evidence (manuscript discoveries and the like). There would usually be *some* changes in the text, but usually they didn’t affect things overly much.
And this had been going on for decades. The reality is that the basic character of the printed Greek text was not much different in 1981 from what it was in 1881. Most New Testament scholars knew that. And so what was the point of spending your life studying the textual witnesses? The task that the field was trying to achieve – the reconstruction of the original text – had already been achieved. Or so it was widely thought.
Hence the view among NT scholars that there was really no reason to get involved with (or even learn about) textual criticism any more. I didn’t agree with this view (for reasons I’ll explain in a subsequent post), but that’s what I was facing when I got into the field.
How much of a “gap” do you think exists between the Greek manuscripts that we do have ( mostly 3rd/4th century) and the original writings of any of the books of the NT? As an example, how much change took place in the Gospel of Mark from its original to the earliest copy we have? Some change? A modicum of change? A huge change? No change?
Unfortunately, there is no way to know.
Terrific. How are you going to get out of this one? Practically the same in 1981 as in 1881–why bother with this line of work?
You’ll see!
Well, if “textual criticism” involves determining if the authors of the books in the Bible are who they say they are, as in in “Forged – writing in the name of God”, I’m glad you chose to go down that road. Just finished that book and it was my favorite of yours. Spent most of a rainy afternoon looking for good, substantive refutations on the internet and could find none. Just stuff like, “typical Bart Ehrman, there he goes again”.
Technically speaking, Textual Criticism is not related to the question of who the authors of the NT were. That’s a different field of study. But yes, detailed refutations are harder to find than pure polemic!
Hmm… “The History of Historians.”
Hey was wondering if you could blog more about Zeus ( Jupiter ) please ?
Thinking of Zeus ( Jupiter ) brings tears to my eyes. That is who i pray to and look up to, that is who raised me. Thanks Bart, lets not give up. Humble with our knowledge sir !
Bart, how satisfied with your working life do you think you would be now if you had remained focused to the field of textual criticism?
It would be very satisfying, but in an utterly different way I think.
This might be a good time to mention a specific issue of textual criticism I’ve been wondering about. Matt 27:25 is the famous (or infamous) verse in which Jesus’ Jewish enemies say “His blood be on us and our children!” Needless to say, that verse has a long and horrifying history of being used to justify all sorts of anti-Jewish atrocities. On another website, I heard a seemingly knowledgeable commentator claim the verse was “almost certainly” an interpolation made by early Christians sometime after the Bar Kochba revolt.
I was wondering what you thought of that. The verse has never sounded like an interpolation to me, however misinterpreted it may have been. (Of all the evangelists, Matthew was surely the least likely to impute a blood guilt to Jews in general. I’ve always regarded the verse as pertaining merely to one particular group of Jews.)
There’s really no evidence that it’s an interpolation. But you can see why some modern readers wish it were!
Dear Dr. Ehrman, I am listening to the Highland Park United Methodist Church 8:30 a.m. sermon (setting: the church and the Southern Methodist University are getting ready for centennials). The person delivering the sermon (president of SMU) said The New Testament did not get verses until the year 1515.
(The first person to divide New Testament chapters into verses was Italian Dominican biblical scholar Santi Pagnini (1470–1541), but his system was never widely adopted. Robert Estienne created an alternate numbering in his 1551 edition of the Greek New Testament which was also used in his 1553 publication of the Bible in French. Estienne’s system of division was widely adopted, and it is this system which is found in almost all modern Bibles.)
As for chapters…
The New Testament was divided into topical sections known as kephalaia by the fourth century. Eusebius of Caesarea divided the gospels into parts that he listed in tables or canons. Neither of these systems corresponds with modern chapter divisions.
Chapter divisions, with titles, are also found in the 9th century Tours manuscript, Paris Bibliothèque Nationale MS Lat. 3, the so-called Bible of Rorigo.
Archbishop Stephen Langton and Cardinal Hugo de Sancto Caro developed different schemas for systematic division of the Bible in the early 13th century. It is the system of Archbishop Langton on which the modern chapter divisions are based.
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When scholars like you look at the earliest full manuscripts, did you all use line numbers and then the line numbers were replaced by chapters and verses?
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The Hebrew Bible was also divided into some larger sections. In Israel the Torah (its first five books) were divided into 154 sections so that they could be read through aloud in weekly worship over the course of three years. In Babylonia it was divided into 53 or 54 sections (Parashat ha-Shavua) so it could be read through in one year.
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Re: Early Christianities using oral tradition or manuscripts during service
It does not seem the congregation leaders and the few congregants who could be called up to read were opening their scriptures, say Gospels, Acts, Romans, to specific places for recitation for more than 300 years.
Even the rich churches of Early Christianities (year 34 to year 299), did not have pulpit manuscripts/copies that would have contributed to a richer tradition of first folios?
Yes, we all use chapter and verse numbers simply for the sake of convenience.
One of my sons, Bart, reads Greek: http://www.gov.harvard.edu/people/joe-muller. I’ve been thinking about getting him a Greek New Testament for Chistmas this year. Could you suggest the appropriate volume?
Many thanks. 🙂
Novum Testamentum Graece, 28th edition.
Many thanks, as always. 🙂
I look forward to the next post about why you disagreed that the text was pretty well established.
I spoke with one well-known NT textual critic who told me that as his studies in the NT progressed he had less and less confidence in the message of conservative Christianity of his day. In order to save his vocation he entered the field of NT textual criticism because this was the only place he could be completely honest with regard to the NT. No one would threaten his livelihood if he was brutally honest because the nature of the evidence in textual criticism is so much different that it is in doing theology. The implications are also much different. He was able to have a good career in NT textual criticism though he rarely had to discuss his theological tendencies.
Yes, that used to happen a lot!