The Conceptual basis of authenticity of the Pauline letters is rooted in
Christian triumphalist theology
and Romanticism (the garden of Eden origins of Christianity).
Derek/MythVision:
We’ve been told that Paul’s letters came before Acts and Acts “fixes” problems Paul had with Peter.
If you put Paul’s letters after Acts, that line of thinking has to change.
Dr. Nina Livesey will answer that.
Derek asked her if people remember the two scholars and their positions today.
One scholar represented the first point and the other scholar represented the second point.
She said no. You agree with her.
= = = =
Comment 42
Writers of pseudonymous letter collections take the person they say they are in a different direction.
So, instead of Acts correcting the relationship between Paul and Peter in the letters, the letters came later a created the drama between Paul and Peter.
Ancient readers expected authority of the letter writer to correct what was written. They wanted that correction.
Livesey goes on to say there are no letter co-senders in Marcion’s Pauline letters (example: Paul and Timothy write to you, or something to that effect).
On thumbnail of video:
Paul didn’t exist?
Steefen
Paul DID exist. Josephus described Paul as an exploiter of pious people.
It’s in my book.
Steve Campbell, author of Historical Accuracy
Jesus is Decius Mundus, a reference to Decius Mus, 340 BCE and 295 BCE. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 18.3.4 and Livy. History of Rome, Bks 8 and 10
Neal Sendlak [Gnostic Informant]
Josephus never mentions any Saul of Tarsus.
You are just making a false assumption that the Saul from Josephus is the same guy and hardly anyone thinks this.
Even if we granted that Josephus did in fact write about a Saul from Tarsus.
It still doesn’t prove any existence of Paul who wrote these letters
because Josephus is writing decades after Saul was dead and he could just be hearing rumors from Christians at that point.
Steve Campbell:
I’m not talking about Josephus mentioning Saul of Tarsus.
I am talking about Antiquities, Book 18, Chapter 3, Section 5, Lines 81-84
There was a man who was a Jew but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. Living at Rome, he professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.
He procured three other men, entirely of the same character with himself to be his partners.
These four men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one who had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the Temple at Jerusalem. When the men had gotten the purple and gold, they employed them for their own uses and spent the money themselves
This is the man Paul is based on.
You, yourself, said the name Saul was a reference to King Saul and King David.
Saul would not be Josephus’ invention.
So, granted that Josephus did in fact write about Paul who was run out of Jerusalem to Rome
[Josephus DID],
you’re right, it does not prove Paul wrote the letters
BECAUSE AS YOUR GUEST SAID: PSEUDONYMOUS (WRITTEN UNDER A FALSE NAME).
A pseudonymous collection of letters.
The gospels are a pseudonymous collection of literature as well.
Who do you think the man
who was a Jew but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him … is?
Acts 28:23
from the Law of Moses and from the Prophets he tried to persuade them about Jesus.
Josephus:
Living at Rome, he professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.
There was a time when four letters were considered authentic.
Romans
Galatians
First Corinthians
Second Corinthians
= = = = =
Pressure to add more Pauline authentic letters:
1 Thess
Philippians
Philemon
= = = = =
Chronology scholarship is also circular.
= = = =
Pseudonymous Letter Collection
This genre of letter is far the most frequent type of Greek letter from all periods.
Fictive Pseudonymous Letter Collection
Nina Livesey:
The Pauline Letters do not appear until the mid-second century.
The Pauline Letters do not appear until the mid-second century.
The letters originally dated to very early 2nd century to prove the existence of of a collection (not individual) Pauline letters are now being dated later.
Derek / MythVision Podcast
Why should we doubt the existence of Paul?
Why should we doubt the existence of Jesus, now that we know the Pauline Letters do not appear until the mid-second century.
You say there were fictive novels with fictive letters. Revelation could be a fictive novel with fictive letters to the churches.
Acts can be a fictive novel and the Pauline letters can be its fictive letters.
Acts could be the fictive novel of the founding of Christianity.
Steefen
Well, Derek/MythvisionPodcast does have his ax to grind.
One of his next videos is
The Apostle Paul: A Fabricated Figure of Early Christianity?
= = =
Steefen
Another reason why the MythVision Podcast interview of Nina E., Livesey is below my standards (1. Ignoring Josephus’ description of Paul in the second passage after the TF and 2. making my video comment not appear), the third reason this interview is below my standards is because the interviewer failed to ask this question and get an answer: The Pauline Letters do not appear until the mid-second century, then the writers of the Pauline Letters would have more time to learn about the Jesus of the Gospels. How does Nina explain this not happening?
Thank you.
= = = =
If the Pauline Letters are from the mid-second century, the author/s would have more time to learn about the Jesus of the Gospels.
I.
The first thing that comes to mind is that years ago, I thought 1 Corinthians 11:23-26 was an interpolation (the insertion of something of a different nature into something else). Paul could get almost the exact wording from the gospels but he doesn’t speak about Judas?
II.
The author/s of the Pauline Letters intentionally neglected the gospels but knew the gospels.
III.
The Pauline Letters were not only written after the First Jewish-Roman War but after:
The Diaspora Revolt (115-117 CE)
The Ktos War (116-118 CE), and, possibly after
The Bar Kokhba Revolt (132-136 CE)
IV.
The Pauline Letters are more theologically instructive than the gospels and Acts?
That was necessary in the second century and the development of the Church?
V.
As an interview stated: the Pauline Letters came after Revelation and used its churches.
Wait a second. The seven churches mentioned in Revelation are Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea.
Romans, Corinthians, Galatians are not in that list.
= = = =
My preliminary leaning is to IV.
What else can be considered/anticipated as an answer if we can get Nina to answer the question.
What is your preliminary leaning?
Josephus doesn’t say his Paul figure had churches in Philippi, Galatia, Corinth. He does not say he wrote them one or more letters.
Paul had to write some of the churches only once?
Markus Vinzent:
Q only works if Matthew and Luke did not know each other.
If they did, you do not need Q.
Markus Vinzent:
(Sounds like he is saying:)
There is no mention of Jesus’ resurrection without a mention of Paul in the second century.
Jesus was born and suffered etc.
Resurrection comes in the 4th century.
Resurrection is an innovation from Zororatrianism.
The protagonist, Jesus, is the hero for the resurrection belief. That’s why Jesus’ story cannot end on the cross.
Steefen
Are you talking about Mark could not end at the original ending?
Markus Vinzent
No one knows of Acts until 160 CE / 170 CE.
Check 2nd century literature (pre-Iranaeus).
They do not know the pastoral letters and they do not Hebrews.
People also do not know Romans 15 and Romans 16.
These two chapters were added in Iranaeus’ time. They were not in Marcion’s collection.
So, there were redactors during the time of Iranaeus.
2 Cor 8 and 9 are like Romans 15 & 16.
This is part of the fabrication.
So Marcion was added to!
Markus Vinzent:
Timothy is not known in Marcion’s collection of Pauline’s letters.
The redactors introduced Timothy.
The Marcion collection of 10 letters come before the 14-letter collection.
1:12:30 (1:14:50)
Galatians is the opening letter of Marcion’s collection.
Galatians in Marcion: 5:21
The flesh will not inherit the kingdom of heaven AS I HAVE SAID BEFORE
Paul has not said that before in Galatians.
I Corinthians 15:50 Flesh will not inherit the kingdom of Heaven
As I have said before Galatians is the opening letter of Marcion’s collection.
He makes a back-reference: as I have said before
So Marcion has made a mistake by putting Galatians as the first letter of his Pauline collection
because I Corinthians is where he has said before.
The canonical letters are in a better order because 1 Corinthians comes before Galatians.
p/u at 1:20/06 of 2:21.35
Fasten your seatbelts, it’s going to be a bumpy ride.
Do the Melkites maintain that their apostolic succession does not include Paul (instead tracing directly to Peter)
because Paul was always seen as problematic to the East?
= = = =
The Melkites are a branch of Byzantine-rite Catholics who trace their origins to the Patriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. They are known for their faithfulness to the Council of Chalcedon in 451, which defined orthodox Christian doctrine. The term “Melkite” itself comes from the Syriac word “malkāyā”, meaning “imperial” or “king’s men”, reflecting their loyalty to the Byzantine emperors.
Melkite communities are found worldwide, including in North America, Latin America, and Australia.
= = = =
Dr. Marcus Vinzent
Everyone had a problem with Paul. So let’s go to another issue?
If someone is going to write a gospel, why not name it after one of the 12 apostles?
Why go for Mark and Luke? Matthew and John are authoritative. That’s easy.
Luke AND Mark are connected to Marcion’s gospel. These two gospels were not worthy to be called after an apostle. They were only given names of students of apostles.
Steefen
Mark and Luke were not WORTHY. Interesting.
Dr. Marcus Vinzent
To have a clear authority difference.
Tertullian gives us this authority difference when he said Marcion must have been a maniac (unclear what he said) because out of the four gospels, he has chosen the worse one.
Steefen
Two tiers and Marcion chose from the second tier, not Matthew or John.
Tertulian knows about this hieararchy. Iranaeus seems to agree with Tertullian on this hierarchy.
So Paul and Luke (and Mark) are of a secondary nature. So, Paul was a problem.
p/u at 1:25:07.
MythVision Podcast
Give us the chronology of NT Texts
Marcus Vinzent
10 letters of Paul from Marcion 7 letters and 3 letters around the time of Polycarp teaching Iraneus
The letters are to port cities except Galatians.
Marcus is calling Rome as serving as a port city.
We do not know what happened prior to 135 C.E.
Mark is a derivative of Marcion’s Gospel.
Papias does not mention Gos of Luke
Do not rely on Papias via Eusebius
Marcion had a debate with John
John thought his gospel was truer than Marcion’s.
That would put John in the 130s or 140s.
Papias does not like Mark. We have to rely on Matthew. Matthew trumps Mark.
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Clement of Alexandria claimed to be a gnostic.
Philo believed our world was not created by the Jewish God.
The Transcendent God did not create materially. It’s all ideas.
Logos and Sophia is underneath the Transcendent God.
The Transcendent God sent the Messiah.
The demiurge/the Logos also wanted to send a messiah.
Christ is the messiah of the Transcendent God, not the messiah of the demiurge/the Logos.
The New Testament, according to Marcion, has nothing to do with the Old Testament.
Christians only inherit the Transcedent Kingdom. We are going to inherit the Kingdom of Heaven.
= = =
Could Paul have any connection to Apuleius?
Gnostic Informant:
Do you think its possible that Christianity could be a reaction to AD70
and thus going back to Jeremiah & isaiah theology about a suffering messiah?
p/u at 2:08.31 / 2:21.35

Galatians 2:16
There is not distinction in the Greek spelling between the Indicative Present tense middle voice and passive voice.
To be (is) justified (present tense middle/passive voice)
Paul has to argue around and since mankind was born with original sin it is therefore impossible for anyone to justify themselves (middle voice of justify) as without sin even if never sinning during their life. Justification as middle voice is therefore impossible. Only the Christ could justify as an active voice. Justification for mankind is therefore a passive voice.
And that is where the theological debates of it, justification and faith as being a Dative of Instrument, Subjective Genitive or not, Objective Genitive originate from.

The Epistolary Illusion: The Letters of Paul as Strategic Vessels of Theological and Philosophical Authority
Introduction: The Rhetorical Power of the Letter
This essay explores how letters—particularly those attributed to the Apostle Paul—functioned not merely as communication but as strategic rhetorical performances. In antiquity, the letter as a rhetorical form offered a unique blend of familiarity, authority, and emotional immediacy, making it ideal for conveying theological or philosophical ideas—especially when direct authorship or institutional authority may have been lacking.
We will examine how the epistolary form allowed early communities to articulate doctrine, manage controversy, and preserve memory under the guise of personal correspondence. Drawing on ancient rhetorical practices and the insights of scholars such as Nina Livesey and David Trobisch, we will also consider the possibility that even the so-called “authentic” Pauline letters may be literary constructions—not deceitful forgeries, but dramatized theological exercises written in Paul’s voice to serve communal and doctrinal aims.
This essay is not primarily concerned with whether Paul the historical figure existed, but with whether the letters bearing his name genuinely originated from him—or whether they were retroactive constructs designed to confer apostolic authority upon evolving theological controversies and traditions. The implications are significant. We have now accepted that many Pauline letters did not originate with Paul. Yet we have, perhaps too easily, retained the idea that the other letters’ authenticity comes from the hand of Paul—that someone traveled in Paul’s footsteps collecting these literary residues of the “authentic Paul.” It is a pleasant, but unprovable assumption.
If the so-called “authentic” letters of Paul rest on unprovable assumptions, we may have to shift our understanding of these texts from biography to intentionally constructed doctrinal literature.
I. The Letter as an Instrument of Persuasion
The constructed letter is now largely forgotten in modern rhetorical discourse. Yet in earlier times, it was a common and powerful literary form—capable of persuading not just through argument, but through emotional resonance and creative intimacy.
Unlike a formal treatise—abstract, detached, impersonal—a letter invites the reader into a vicarious experience. It simulates the overhearing of a private conversation. The reader is not confronted with a doctrinal claim to evaluate or resist; instead, he is gently drawn into a relationship already in progress. The letter’s familiar texture disarms skepticism and bypasses critical filters. We are not being argued with—we are being included.
This rhetorical intimacy produces several effects:
Immediacy and trust: A letter often feels like a soul being opened. It has the flavor of emotional honesty and personal risk. We listen sympathetically, not defensively.
Authenticity by default: Because the letter appears circumstantial—responding to events, people, or crises—it gains the aura of historical truth without needing to prove it.
Authority without credentials: A treatise requires scholarly gravitas. A letter, especially when attributed to a figure like “Paul,” arrives with presumed legitimacy.
Tonal flexibility: A letter can shift naturally from warmth to rebuke, from theology to anecdote—mimicking speech and further enhancing its credibility.
Freedom from academic scrutiny: Because the form appears casual, letters are not expected to carry the same burden of rigorous demonstration.
In short, the letter persuades not only by what it says, but by the vicarious sympathy it evokes. It seduces the reader into listening, not as a critic, but as a participant in a relationship—and in so doing, it quietly lowers our guard.
II. The Strategic Use of the Fictive Letter
In the rhetorical tradition of antiquity, the fictive letter—a letter composed in the voice of a well-known figure—was a recognized and respected genre. In rhetorical schools, students were routinely tasked with writing in the character of Plato, Cicero, or Socrates—not to deceive, but to engage deeply with ideas and personas larger than themselves.
When publicly circulated, this practice served several key strategic goals:
Borrowed gravitas: By writing in the voice of a revered figure, a writer could lend credibility to emerging or controversial ideas.
Intellectual empathy: It allowed the writer to imaginatively inhabit the mindset of a known persona and explore how they might respond to new issues.
Camouflage for abstraction: Theology or philosophy, framed as urgent personal correspondence, is received more naturally, with less resistance.
From this perspective, it is entirely plausible that early Christian communities—devoted to the legacy of Paul—composed new letters in his name. Letters not intended to deceive, but to continue a tradition. Just as many today might be intrigued by the discovery of a lost Pauline letter addressing a modern ethical question, so too might ancient Christians have found it expedient to explore how Paul might have responded to their contemporary theological concerns.
These compositions were not cynical forgeries, but acts of theological imagination. Paul became a mouthpiece for the community’s evolving beliefs. The letter, as a form, provided the perfect delivery mechanism: emotionally resonant, doctrinally pliable, and cloaked in the familiarity of personal address.
III. The Rhetorical Efficiency of the Pauline Persona
Paul—whether historical or constructed—was uniquely suited to this literary purpose. His character combined fervor, conflict, and divine calling, all bound into a compelling narrative arc.
His voice could shift effortlessly from mystic to logician, from gentle to abrasive.
He could engage in theological complexity while sounding like he was simply responding to friends.
He came with a story: conversion, suffering, mission. His persona was rich with symbolic capital.
To write in the voice of Paul was not to mimic an academic theologian, but to animate a figure whose entire life seemed charged with divine immediacy. A letter “from Paul” was not merely a teaching—it was a performative enactment of authority, urgency, and moral complexity.
IV. From Community Memory to Scriptural Authority
What may have begun as imaginative theological dramatization—akin to the Platonic dialogues—was gradually absorbed into canonical authority. Over time, the Pauline letters came to be read not as literary devices, but as direct historical documents. The voice of Paul was no longer a rhetorical persona—it was treated as the captivating voice of the man himself.
Modern scholarship has since troubled this assumption. Researchers such as Nina Livesey, David Trobisch, and Markus Vinzent have pointed out that the first confirmed appearance of Pauline letters—including both “authentic” and “disputed” ones—occurs in Marcion’s collection, around 144 CE. That context, far from being an archive of private correspondence, was a literary-theological enterprise, aimed at curating Paul’s voice for a particular doctrinal vision.
In this setting, the letters were not simply preserved—they were created, shaped, or stylized in ways that reflected the needs of a second-century community. Whether Marcion himself wrote them, or they emerged from a school under his influence, the result was not a deception, but a deliberate rhetorical construction of Pauline authority.
Conclusion: Where This Leaves Us
We must now face the unsettling reality: we do not actually know whether the “authentic” Pauline letters are authentic. We hope they are. We speak of them as if they are. But the same criteria that once excluded the disputed letters—stylistic variation, doctrinal differences, narrative inconsistency—could just as easily apply to the others. There is no external confirmation for any of the letters before Marcion’s compilation. We possess belief, tradition, and internal coherence—but not proof.
What’s more, we must confront an uncomfortable psychological truth: we want the letters to be authentic. It is easier that way. To acknowledge uncertainty would require a reexamination of theological assumptions, institutional histories, and scholarly habits. It would force us to admit that we may have been, at times, credulous—perhaps even lazily or incautiously accepting a convenient fiction. And there is no small irony in this: that such uncritical desire for authenticity is itself a testament to the rhetorical success of the letters. They make us want them to be real.
If even the “authentic” letters were composed for the same rhetorical purposes as the fictive ones—if they, too, are the products of communal imagination, strategic theology, and epistolary craft—then the image of Paul as a historical author dissolves into a scriptural persona. A voice not from the past, but made to sound as though it came from the past. A voice tuned to resonate across time with authority, intimacy, and conviction.
In the end, a constructed letter is not a neutral container of truth. It is a performance of truth—a way of making belief feel personal, plausible, and emotionally real. The Pauline letters succeed not because we can verify them, but because we are persuaded by their perceived intimacy. Even today, in reading them, we feel we are overhearing something urgent, honest, and human. And that, perhaps more than anything else, is what makes them so enduring—and so elusive.
BDEhrman
FreedomBen
evgendob
Robert
